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The post-structural conception of "identity" is based on that of individuals, while "difference" likewise can refer to any characteristic that sets an individual apart from others, whether it is related to oppression or is simply non-normative.

" The caricature of the Black male sexual predator's never-ending desire to rape virtuous white Southern belles had an "inseparable companion," Davis writes: "the image of the Black woman as chronically promiscuous.

The Combahee River Collective did not stand for separatism, as some Marxists have mistakenly concluded.

This political framework led Brownmiller to reach openly racist conclusions in her account of the 1955 lynching of Emmett Till--the 14-year-old visiting family in Jim Crow Mississippi who was abducted, tortured and shot for the "crime" of allegedly whistling at a married white woman.

" This is an argument for the separation of struggles.

Intersectionality is another way of describing "simultaneity of oppression," "overlapping oppressions," "interlocking oppressions" or any number of other terms that Black feminists used to describe the intersection of race, class and gender.

But intersectionality is a concept for understanding oppression, not exploitation.

The examples above provide ample evidence for why we should likewise incorporate the lessons that Black feminists have to offer Marxism.

Thus the concept of intersectionality has two different political foundations--one informed primarily by Black feminism and the other by postmodernism.

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Black feminism has a long and complex history, based on the recognition that the system of chattel slavery and, since then, modern racism and racial segregation have caused Black women to suffer in ways that are never experienced by white women.

As Marxist scholar Kevin Anderson recently argued: In the late twentieth century, a theoretical discourse of intersectionality became almost hegemonic in many sectors of radical intellectual life.